When the dust settled, teachers had had to dance through new, time-consuming, bureaucratic paper chases — and 98 percent of them were still rated effective. After all, they said, teacher evaluation is important. The same story is playing out now with concern to discipline reform, except that this time the lackluster results are actually dangerous. In New York City, a majority of students at half of schools serving a high share of minority students said they saw more fights and that their peers were less respectful. In Chicago, peer respect deteriorated and teachers reported more disruptive behavior.
Indeed, they seem more inclined to attack those who raise concerns than to step back from misguided policies. The thing about schooling is that it is a profoundly human enterprise, which means it is inextricably contextual.
Local realities matter, a lot. This means that whether and how reforms work is less a matter of how they look on a whiteboard or in a PowerPoint than of how they are put into practice by teachers, administrators, and parents.
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Incompetence Wasn't the Problem in Broward County page 1 By Jack Cashill No one who follows the blogging collective known as the "Conservative Treehouse" will dispute my claim that its most prominent blogger, "Sundance" by name, is America's best reporter. So instrumental was the research of Sundance and his colleagues that I made the "Treepers" the protagonists of the book.
Sundance's research into the political dynamics of Martin's Miami-Dade school system led him to expand his research into neighboring Broward County years before the Parkland shooting. We communicated the day after that shooting.
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We had a shared sense of what had gone wrong. I detailed some of this last week in an article on what one public interest magazine called the "Broward County solution. In a collaborative agreement among school officials and law enforcement, the presence of the NAACP might seem anomalous, but not in the Obama era, where considerations of race routinely shaped educational policy. A black American, Runcie assumed that the differential was due largely to some unspoken institutional bias against minorities.
As he saw it, these suspensions played a major role in the so-called "achievement gap" between white and minority students. The first two "whereas" clauses in the collaborative agreement deal with opportunities for students in general, but the third speaks to the motivating issue behind the agreement: "Whereas, across the country, students of color, students with disabilities, and LGBTQ students are disproportionately impacted by school-based arrests for the same behavior as their peers. To make the issue seem less stark, authorities cloaked the black American crime disparity with EEOC boilerplate about "students of color" and other presumably marginalized individuals.
Although nonsensical on the face of it — one is hard pressed to recall a crime spree by the disabled — this language opened the door for Nikolas de Jesus Cruz. An adopted son of the late Roger and Linda Cruz, the future school shooter had a name that fit the "metrics" of the collaborative agreement, regardless of his DNA. It is not hard to understand why Broward County officials would be eager to adopt this program. Miami-Dade had been receiving all kinds of honors for its efforts to shut down the dread "school-to-prison" pipeline.
The Department of Juvenile Justice had singled out Miami-Dade for "dramatically decreasing" school-related "delinquency. Eleven days after this self-congratulatory press release, Martin was shot and killed in Sanford, Florida, miles from his Miami home. For all the attention paid to the case, the media have refused to report why Martin was left to wander the streets of Sanford, high and alone on a Sunday night during a school week. He writes, "Over time the policy [in Miami-Dade] began to create outcomes where illegal behavior by students was essentially unchecked by law enforcement.
The whistleblowers told of cases of burglary and robbery where officers had to hide the recovered evidence in order to avoid writing up the students for criminal behavior. Caught with a dozen pieces of stolen female jewelry and a burglary tool, Martin had his offense written off as entering an unauthorized area and writing graffiti on a locker. There could be no effort made to track the jewelry to its rightful owner, lest Martin's apprehension be elevated to the level of a crime.
Instead, Martin was suspended, one of three suspensions that school year. When George Zimmerman saw him that night in the rain, Martin, now on his third suspension, was looking in windows of the complex's apartments. Zimmerman thought he was casing them. Given his history, Martin probably was. Zimmerman dialed the police. The rest is history — or, more accurately, would have been history if the media had reported Martin's brutal assault on Zimmerman honestly, but they almost universally refused to do so.
Broward County launched its "education not incarceration" experiment four months after Zimmerman was rightfully found not guilty in the Martin case.
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By this time, Sundance and his fellow Treepers had exposed the corruption that Miami-Dade's seemingly enlightened policy had wrought within its school police department. Given the mainstream media's failure to follow up on Sundance's work, even in Florida, it is likely that Broward officials did not know how deeply the policy had compromised police work in Miami-Dade. What Broward County authorities did know is that the best "school resource officers," the euphemism for in-school sheriff's deputies, were those most sensitive to the objectives of the PROMISE program.
It is hardly shocking that in , the now notorious Scot Peterson was named School Resource Officer of the Year by the Broward County Crime Commission for handling issues "with tact and judgment.
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Peterson, the commission noted, was also "active in mentoring and counseling students. Better to educate him, after all, than incarcerate him. Although there are many details still to be known, the Miami Herald reported on Friday that, in November , a tipster called the Broward Sheriff's Office BSO to say Cruz "'could be a school shooter in the making,' but deputies did not write up a report on that warning.
Two years prior, "A deputy investigated a report that Cruz 'planned to shoot up the school' — intelligence that was forwarded to the school's resource officer, with no apparent result. He did not err by letting this misunderstood Hispanic lad go unpunished in any meaningful way. Peterson showed his award-winning "tact and judgment.
This meant excusing worse and worse offenses, especially for students who counted as minorities. As for the qualities real cops are expected to show — courage under fire comes to mind — those were obviously not Peterson's strong suit. And he was just pointing it at the building," said student Brandon Huff of Peterson. You could hear them going off over and over. What if he does something violent to a student? What if he takes bullets to school?
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What if he takes knives to schools? What if he threatens the lives of fellow students? Says Sundance in conclusion, "I will give testimony, provide names, outline dates, and give all prior records to any lawyer for use in a wrongful death lawsuit — so long as their intent would be to financially ruin the entire system and personally bankrupt the participants. Incompetence Wasn't the Problem in Broward County page5 By Jack Cashill "The school resource officer was behind a stairwell wall just standing there, and he had his gun drawn.
Incompetence Wasn't the Permalink Submitted by scipio africanus on March 1, - pm. Incompetence Wasn't the Problem in Broward County By Jack Cashill No one who follows the blogging collective known as the "Conservative Treehouse" will dispute my claim that its most prominent blogger, "Sundance" by name, is America's best reporter. Sundance, who lives in South Florida, broke this story through old-fashioned gumshoe reporting. This federal program began Permalink Submitted by Allegrobob on March 1, - pm.
This federal program began with the flawed premise that a high percentage of minorities are in prison as a result of a racist criminal justice system. The American people will really be made when they learn that federal dollars were paid to local school districts that reduced the arrest statistics but not the crimes committed.
I read that Trayvon Martin was also in this program and he is another who slipped through the cracks of the system. Is this true? How can you coddle the kids who show dangerous behavior, and thereby infringe on the rights of students there who want to study and get ahead?
The 2 groups shouldn't be in the same school. If a student is not there to abide by the rules, and to learn That's the way school was when I was younger Bad behavior was not tolerated. Get young people help when it's apparently needed, but don't force the diligent, good students to put up with their crap, and be unsafe. I wonder if this program is Permalink Submitted by user on March 1, - am.
I wonder if this program is in Chicago. Robert Runcie is By internally processing complaints, the school board failed in their responsibilities in the following manner. In the case of Mr.
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Cruz, as in the case of any troubled youth, any failure to report dangerous behavior allows the perpetrator to fy under the radar. No report of anti-social behavior allowed Mr. Cruz to purchase weapons. Although a history of assault, and cyber stalking would obviously deter him from getting weapons, the information, although available, was concealed from the public.. This, if examined, is behavior that is consistent with other incidents, in other areas, as well. Plug the loophole.
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